versão portuguesa disponível
Third article of this project Research for this project was supported by the Graduate Startup Interns Program and the Virtual Immersions and Experiential Work Program (both at Georgetown University).
The map of much of the world today is the product of previously expansive colonial empires. This is particularly the case in the “Global South” nations of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, where European nations laid claim to wide swathes of territory. Importantly for understanding the rise of modern great powers, this includes parts of China that were controlled by outsiders for centuries before returning to Chinese government control. [1]
Here, the example of the Portuguese empire provides useful historical insights that give necessary context to the unfolding of events today, especially as they relate to how individual cultures embrace and manage the advent of advanced information communication technologies (ICTs). China for one represents part of one of these post-colonial territories, as its current control over Macau included a relatively recent takeover after centuries of Portuguese rule. [2] This gives China a unique viewpoint in its interactions with other states affected by Portuguese colonialism, a fact highly relevant as China develops advanced technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) and has a natural inclination to spread its products and values abroad. [3] [4]
This article is designed to outline the context behind such a contemporary trend by highlighting how Portuguese culture provides a base for a group of critical emerging market countries as they pursue more effective social and economic development strategies. As mentioned above, China is a major player in these socioeconomic and political calculations among these states (Portugal, Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, Timor-Leste/East Timor, Cabo/Cape Verde, and Sao Tome and Principe) and still feels the influence of Portuguese-speaking culture from its Macau connection. [5] The following historical background shows just how much this connection to a Portuguese past still resonates in Sino-Lusophone (Portuguese-speaking) affairs, making the foundational history of Portugal itself even more important to consider in the development of such a wide range of “Global South” nations.
The Lusophone cultural perspective is shaped by the Portuguese experience when Lisbon commissioned explorers who arrived in Asia well before other Europeans. Although they were influenced by Asian culture, Portuguese explorers retained their native pan-European values and norms later exported en masse abroad through imperial networks. This empire was defined by “ignorance” over the very territory it was setting out to claim, with the Portuguese colonizers adopting a supremacist attitude expressed through repression and enslavement. [6] Such factors must therefore be considered as post-colonial Lusophone states may be drawn to non-Western technology and policy perspectives to solidify sovereignty and resist future oppression.
That said, this consideration has some nuance, as noted by Sanjay Subrahmanyam: "Even today, many Portuguese, Asians and Africans remain deeply divided over how to understand and interpret the imperial edifice that the Portuguese created in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; indeed, doubts even are raised on whether the Portuguese truly had an empire in any meaningful sense in that period. Since Portuguese expansion is intimately tied to Portuguese nationalism and collective identity – with the two most celebrated poets of the Lusitanian pantheon…both having held strong views on the subject – it is very difficult indeed to separate myth from history, and many do not even wish to try". [7]
ICT is a sector that remains closely tied to Portugal’s overarching trade strategy. This includes continued outreach to its former colonies and institutionalizing relationships through the Sino-Portuguese Forum (SPF), which has supported the formal ICT development relationship between Beijing and Lisbon. SPF builds from a 2018 BRI memorandum that underscores China’s role as a top trading partner. [8] [9] The bilateral relationship has even deeper foundations from a 1993 agreement between the Portuguese Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT) and the Chinese Ministry of Science and Technology (MOST). [10]
The 21st century relationship has been further defined by Portugal’s struggles following the 2008 global financial crisis when it needed funds to sustain its relatively small market. [11] Portugal’s willingness to engage in trade during another economically destabilizing event (the COVID-19 pandemic) was another motivator for policies designed to adapt to new economic realities. This area of interest has already received attention through important diplomatic convenings like the 2024 MF Ministerial Conference that echo Portugal’s commitment to “digitization.” [12]
Chief among Portugal’s foreign policy calculations is Lisbon’s EU membership, which requires stricter stands on digital rights and Chinese trade abuses. [13] [14] Aganessa Avilova notes that Portugal’s position thus “is at odds with the (EU) strategy of joint containment (in) investment expansion.” [15] Maria Arena also underscores that “Lisbon needs to strike a balance between the unfailing commitment to the US and loyalty to the EU on the one hand, and the economic relationship with Beijing on the other.” [16] This dilemma was on display in Portugal’s commitment to ban Chinese 5G technologies, a move reflecting awareness that purchasing advanced Chinese security equipment could come with increased risk. [17]
Learning about European culture is thus a priority for Beijing as it looks to expand in international markets. Bart Rienties and Irina Rets outline great PRC interest in learning the Portuguese language, presumably for access to Lusophone resources. However, the exchange needed to cultivate such a relationship are not entirely balanced, for China has demonstrated that its cultural exports (including the Chinese language itself) appear tightly controlled by Beijing’s opaque sociopolitical system. [18] [19]. Even with barriers, China contributes to its soft power through the Macau relationship, which allows China to spread its culture through practices like Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM). [20] [21]
Through this lens, Beijing exhibits intent, bandwidth, and competency to achieve its overall outcomes in Sino-Portuguese relations and provide government support to control the cultural norms exports via ministerial announcements and social media management. This is particularly pronounced in the Chinese diaspora in Portugal, a group primarily connected by China’s WeChat platform. [22] Chinese companies have leveraged this diaspora in business and trade throughout Europe. The diaspora specifically streamlines Sino-Portuguese business relations through the ancient practice of guanxi (关系 the intricate Chinese cultural system of personal, business, and political connections) to build strong networks. [23] These networks – and their social influence - may even be responsible for Portugal’s liberalized immigration policies like “golden visas” that can be exploited by PRC interests. [24]
Such realities are most likely part of a plan by Beijing to use BRI to dominate the “Portuguese Sea” (the Atlantic Ocean) and siphon international security concerns away from its near abroad. [25] The Beijing-Lisbon relationship is supported in this way by projects such as STARLab which “aims to build a scientific and technological innovation platform in space and sea research between China and Portugal.” [26] The benefits of this strategy are economic and political, as Portugal has one of the world’s largest exclusive economic zones (EEZs) and can market entry into Lusophone economies for ICT innovations. [27] This is of interest to Beijing because it simultaneously encourages the development of one of its own EEZs (Macau/South China Bay) by enticing Lisbon with potential technology sharing proposals. Some arrangements include a focus on “electric machinery” exports as supported by China’s State Grid and the Haitong Bank. Among other impacts, the PRC’s pitch to Portugal for greater technology partnership is additionally intended to support emerging energy companies through opportunities designed to spread PRC brands in industrialized countries. [28]
Portugal’s path from worldwide colonizer to recipient of Chinese foreign aid is emblematic of a potential trend affecting the West in a new, globally integrated, information age. In a sense, the scope of influence between former and current powers in leveraging old colonial networks is flipped: the once great trading power of Portugal is now in a position where it must calculate how much influence to receive from larger states like China. Such a calculation is made more complex as the relationship involves significant cultural overlap, especially given the centuries of Portuguese presence in Macau, a territory so close to the Chinese mainland now under Beijing’s direct control.
In this way, understanding modern Lusophone societies through the case of the former colonial empire may also allow for deeper comprehension as to the dynamics playing out between China, other world powers, and the former colonies of the Portuguese empire. This is due to the continued tension in identity between former Lusophone colonies as independent societies and their connection historically, culturally, and linguistically with the former ruler, Portugal. Given the continued advantages in geopolitical positions of each of the territories comprising the former Portuguese empire (especially Portugal), such an enduring reality is important to consider in economic development questions as these entities can benefit greatly from globalization and its emphasis on trading networks.
This article is part of the project Chinese Technological Investment in PortugueseSpeaking Countries. Learn more about this and other projects here.
The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the institutional position of Observa China 观中国 and are the sole responsibility of the author.
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